CHAPTER ONE:
CONTINUED UPHEAVAL IN EUROPE


AFTERSHOCKS

A few Units ago, we left off our discussion of European societies in the mid-19th century with societies still reeling from the effects of two powerful forces: the French Revolution and the Industrial Revolution. We now return to pick up the story of European developments in the 1800's, during which time the revolutionary ideologies of liberalism and nationalism continued to challenge the old order. The ideals of liberalism threatened the power and privileges of monarchs, aristocrats, and state-protected churches.  Nationalism inspired groups to organize and struggle for autonomy and even independence; the success of some of these nationalists redrew existing borders and destabilized multi-national empires.

The Industrial Revolution was also underway in many (but not all) European states, resulting in the consequences discussed in Unit 6. As a result of dangerous, exploitative and unequal conditions, socialism was also growing as a political and social force by the end of the century.  The rising visibility of socialist movements included the emergence of the more militant form of Marxist socialism. The effects of these ideologies resulted in reforms and even violent revolutions across Europe throughout the century of 1815 - 1914.  We will look at a few examples below.

LIBERAL GAINS

In Western European, the states of Britain and France, having already achieved some degree of rights and legal equality through struggles in the 17th and 18th centuries, experienced ongoing pressure from advocates of liberalism to push for MORE rights and GREATER equality - often through forceful action. The British already enjoyed a constitutional monarchy and protected rights; throughout the 1800's, increased protests and popular agitation sought to increase the scope and number of protected rights.  There was also a growing movement to extend the vote to men, and women, in the working class, echoing socialist ideas from the French Revolution. Through slow reform, British citizens did gain explicit protection of more protected rights by the end of the 19th century. Pressure to expand the vote led to the institution of almost universal voting power for men. Women, however, would have to wait until after World War I for the right to vote.

France also struggled to preserve and build on the rights gained from the French Revolution. Although the conservative leaders of the Congress of Vienna did try to place a traditional Bourbon monarchy back on the throne, French monarchs after 1815 were simply unable to eliminate or ignore the Napoleonic Code.  As a result, equality under the law and protected rights remained as part of French political life.  In fact, on several occasions, when rulers attempted to suppress hard won rights, the French rose up in violent protest.  Two aftershock "revolutions", echoing the passion and ideals of the French Revolution, erupted in the streets of France in 1830 and in 1848.  These revolts were prompted by the felt need to aggressively protect hard-earned rights and retain limits on government. By the end of the 19th century, French political vigilance and violence had completely abolished the position of the monarchy.  Heading into the 20th century, France was ruled by an elected government with no king - the Third Republic. This constitutional republic ruled France heading into World War One.

Not all regions experienced such extensive liberal gains.  Central and Eastern European monarchs were able to hold on to much of their power through brutal repression and political manipulation.  The Austrian emperor and the Prussian King successfully resisted most major liberal reforms; however, even these leaders could not completely quash liberal forces.  However, there was important erosion of, a reduction in, autocratic power in these empires.  While autocratic monarchies remained in parts of Europe, their seats on the throne were increasingly shaky; and none of these dynasties and kings/emperors survived the cataclysm of World War I (1914-1918). Liberalism eroded (but did not destroy) the strength and power of these monarchies and paved the way for their collapse by the early 20th century.

TZARIST POWER

The most stagnant country where liberalism had the least impact was Tzarist Russia. By any measure, Russia was the most backward of European countries; the 19th and early 20th centuries saw very little movement in the achievement of rights or limitations on the government.  Russia, even in the early 1900's, was still absolutist, characterized by political repression, complete absence of rights, and institutionalized social and economic inequalities. The Tzar was an autocratic ruler whose power rested on control of laws, control of the military, an ever growing spy system, and state brutality. The Russian aristocracy was a subservient elite, working as bureaucrats and top officials under the Tzar, in return for privileges such as taxes and legal immunities. The Russian Orthodox Church was an obedient arm of the state.  The Tzar did not share real power with these groups.  The majority of Russians were the most destitute and impoverished subjects in Europe. Up until the 1850's, the vast majority of Russia's millions of citizens were peasants -- and the majority of these peasants were still serfs!  Russia was still based on repressive and grueling serf-based agriculture, even when other countries in Europe were undergoing industrialization!  Poverty, illiteracy, suffering, and cruelty were the defining characteristics of Russian social and political life. With no protections under law, there was no way to voice discontent or work for change.

"TZAR LIBERATOR"

It was not until the middle of the 19th century that substantive reform did occur; it took place in typically absolutist fashion - from the top down and at the whim and direction of the Tzar. The Romanov Tzar Alexander II (1855-1881) was, relatively speaking, a more practical leader than the Tzars that preceded and followed him. Russia had suffered an embarrassing defeat in the Crimean War (against Britain/France/Ottoman Turks); Alexander II was committed to industrializing Russia.  To enable this economic shift, Alexander recognized he had to free the serfs to increase the productivity of  agriculture and to create a mobile labor force to ensure the necessary labor in urban factories.  Thus, in 1861, Alexander II ended serfdom through royal decree. With one act, he released millions of people from bondage to the land. It was an enormous step forward, emancipating the majority of the country from appalling servitude. Alexander also initiated economic reforms to help encourage industrial growth.

The problem with change from the top, however, is that it depends entirely on the ruling monarch's whims.  Alexander II did not follow up on his emancipation of the serfs with real substantive social/economic changes - his personal interest in change was limited and narrow.  The Russian state undertook no real efforts to address the grinding poverty, ignorance, illiteracy and exploitation of the millions of poor Russian peasants and the emerging class of urban workers. There were no protected rights and no inclusion of political voices in the Russian system. Gross inequalities remained, supported by law and practice.  Thus, Russia took an important step forward in freeing the serfs, but then no further change occurred for decades.

Alexander was assassinated in 1881 by a Russian radical who was angry with the slow pace of change. The Tzars that followed, Alexander III and Nicholas II, did not continue with the earlier reforms, and the slow move to an industrialized economy stalled out (demonstrating another problem with change from the top - new leader, new policies and direction). These later Tzars in fact cracked down brutally and showed no interest in reform. The pressure cooker situation of anger and frustration continued to build as Russia stagnated, and fell further behind the rest of Europe.

REVOLUTION OF 1905

In 1905, under Tzar Nicholas II, there was violent upheaval in Russia; it was a clear and even predictable result of the failure of any kind of meaningful reform. Angered over lack of liberal gains, appalling poverty in the cities, and humiliating losses in the Russo-Japanese war, (1904-1905), unarmed protesters marched on the Tzar's palace with a petition calling for reforms to liberalize Russia. Palace guards fired on the peaceful crowd, killing several protesters in what became known as "Bloody Sunday".  Even though the Tzar was not at the palace, he was held responsible for this action, and these killings triggered widespread protests against the Tzarist system. Riots, protests and strikes lasted throughout the year; this became known as the Revolution of 1905.

By fall, Tzar Nicholas II was forced to take action to quell these protests. Reluctantly, he issued the "October Manifesto"; in this he promised the Russian people a legislative assembly and a Constitution. A Parliament was created – known as the Duma. A constitution was issued in early 1906; known as the "Fundamental Law". The October Manifesto did end the protests, and appeared to give Russians a liberal, constitutional monarchy (recognize, over 100 years after constitutionalism took root in Western Europe.)

However, Nicholas was not truthful.  He did not follow through with true reforms. The legislative Duma did not have real independence or power; for example the Tzar retained unchecked veto power and he could disband the elected Duma if he did not like the delegates. It was a system of shared power only on paper, not in reality - the Tzar still had ultimate and basically unchecked power as monarch. The burning issues of inequalities and severe economic tensions remained unresolved.

FAILURE

Thus the revolution of 1905 was ultimately a failure. No substantive political or legal changes resulted. In fact this led many seeking change in Russia to decide that liberal based, gradual reforms were impossible under the Tzar. The conclusion many critics reached was that the only way to achieve true reform was through violent destruction of the Tzarist system. Frustration over the incomplete and unrealized goals of the 1905 uprisings fueled the growth of more radical groups, including socialists and Marxist socialist parties (all illegal and underground.) The conviction that greater violence and more dramatic revolution was necessary laid the groundwork for the upheaval and cataclysmic violence of the Russian Revolution  in 1917.

In fact, the failure of Russia to follow a path of gradual reform based on a successful liberal revolution resulted in continued suffering, anger and bitterness, conditions that led to a much more radical actions against the system in the form of a very violent revolution which erupted in 1917.  The 1917 revolution produced, not a moderate, liberal government but the seizing of power by a radical Marxist party under the leadership of Lenin, followed by Stalin. To some degree, then, the failure of liberalism during this critical period of 1905 helped pave the way to the dramatically more radical Russian Revolution, a revolution which dramatically influenced global events for the rest of the 20th century.

Liberalism and to a lesser degree socialism resulted in substantive changes throughout Europe by the end of the 19th century, however, the most forceful ideology transforming borders and politics was nationalism.


INTERESTING WEB SITES

RUSSIAN/EAST EUROPEAN RESOURCES
THE LONG 19TH CENTURY


GO TO CHAPTER TWO
BACK TO UNIT NINE PAGE