CHAPTER TWO -
CITY AND FACTORY LIFE


In an industrializing society, one significant consequence (then and now) is the permanent change in the lifestyle and living standards for majority of the population, those employed in this new industrial direction. In the early 19th century, industrialization occurring in Europe and the U.S. caused population density to shift from the countryside in the cities.  Labor shifted from rural jobs to urban employment in factories.  These changes took place very rapidly, sometimes within a few decades or a generation.

This rapid shift to urban society generated enormous costs for those involved. There were very obvious "growing pains" for a society undergoing industrialization. Certainly, by the end of the century (late 1800's) some of these problems were finally being addressed, however, the slow pace of reform intensified already existing social/economic tensions. Rapid urbanization, exploitative and dangerous factory conditions, and gross inequality in the distribution of the new wealth led to frustration and anger, fueling support for radical ideas of social change, in particular providing the fertile ground for the growth of socialism.

BETTER OR WORSE?

Historians passionately disagree about how to interpret the social/economic effects of the Industrial Revolution. Some historians emphasize that over time there was an increase in goods and technological support, thus concluding that in the long run, living standards improved for all in an industrial society including the working class. Others emphasize the fact that the wealth being generated remained almost exclusively in the hands of elite political and economic groups for decades (and continued gross inequities continue well into the current century). They point to abusive, exploitative factory conditions and the gritty ugliness of 19th century (1800’s) city life and conclude that industrialization was, overall, a step back for the masses until well into the mid-20th century.

You have to come to your own conclusion. But a consensus position seems to be that serious problems and appalling conditions certainly emerged during the early stages of industrial growth in England, in U.S. mill towns, and in some regions in continental Europe. These problems were not adequately addressed for several decades.  In the early half of the 19th century, abuses and appalling exploitation caused tremendous human suffering.  Although reform movements began to address the worst of these ills by the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries, the early generations of working class citizens in these industrializing societies bore the brutal burden of a society in major transition.  It is also clear that the very real anger, frustration and impatience generated by unsolved problems and tensions directly impacted political and social developments in industrial societies, and are still forces throughout the world today.

It is essential, then, to understand these negative human costs of industrialization to better comprehend the rise of movements such as radical socialism. Recognize, this process of shifting an entire population from agriculture to urban-based industrial production is still ongoing today, and continues to result in wrenching costs for those living through it in developing societies in Latin America, Africa and Asia.

RAPID URBANIZATION

The ability to generate mobile steam power enabled factory production in cities, where production centers were closer to transportation and concentrated labor. Following the jobs, displaced rural workers migrated into the cities in enormous numbers and over a relatively short space of time. The result was urban overcrowding and squalor. In these exploding cities, it was not uncommon for two or more families to live in one single room. Obviously, such cramped housing was substandard and unhealthy. Slums sprang up, creating filthy urban sprawl in cities like London, Paris and Manchester.  Epidemics of diseases such as cholera and tuberculosis resulted.  Although over time religious groups and reform movements raised political consciousness of these problems and worked to alleviate urban ills, reform was very slow and limited. For most of the 19th century and well into the 20th century, workers in filthy, densely populated cities in England, Scotland, the United States, France, Belgium and N. German states continued to suffer from the many problems of bitter urban poverty.

The point is often made that many of these people were coming to the cities from situations of miserable, grinding rural poverty so that this shift to dreadful squalor in the city was not actually a decline in conditions. However, even if one accepts this argument that the masses were just as badly off in terms of specific economic measures such as income, the perception of poverty was heightened in these urban settings. Urban poverty certainly seemed more severe due to the density of the slums, the lack of nature to offset filth and squalid sights.  Disease was certainly more of a threat for those in urban versus rural poverty.  And these destitute urban dwellers were living right next to the nice houses and clubs of the thriving middle and upper classes.  Bottom line, they were more aware of their poverty.
 

FACTORY CONDITIONS

The early factories which enabled mass production, wealth and power were often very dangerous places for workers. There were a number of ways in which work in these new factories took its toll. Hours were grueling.  The average work day was 13 - 15 hours per day; the work week was six, and sometimes seven, days a week. And these exhausting hours were spent in conditions that were extremely hazardous. Many untrained workers were operating new machines and rudimentary technology that was dangerous. Worker injuries were common; if one was harmed, there was no disability or compensation. Injury or maiming simply meant unemployment and scraping a living off the streets.  There was little care taken to protect workers from hazards of chemicals and toxic air quality. Women became infertile; men developed chronic, ultimately deadly conditions. Children developed permanent disfigurements and disabling conditions.  The noise from constant operation of early machines damaged hearing; even just standing in front of a loom or machine for 14 hours a day resulted in permanent physical malformation especially among younger workers. Many factories were also fire traps.  Mining, which provided the necessary coal for steam power, was brutally debilitating and dangerous work.

An additional strain on early factory workers was the loss of control and freedom as a laborer. Factory labor was regulated, structured and highly restricted. While agricultural labor was certainly demanding and backbreaking work, in the fields there were rhythms based on seasons, and the diverse tasks that had to be completed. In the factory, the whistle and factory clock structured the day. Next to the image of the steam train, another symbol of industrial, urban existence was the spread of public clocks; time was now the master of work patterns, not nature.  And instead of undertaking a number of different jobs during the day, factory workers spent 13 - 15 hours a day doing the same thing. Factory work consisted of repetitive, boring functions. This was especially true as factories began turning towards making goods based on standardized, or interchangeable parts (the beginning of assembly line production). One laborer was not making an entire product, but only one small piece - over and over.

Many of these early factory workers were women and young children. They were valued for their ability to do intricate work requiring dexterity and nimble fingers. Women and children worked in the coal mines (since they could crawl in smaller spaces) and children were often sent in to climb around and clean machinery. Women and children were seen as more easily ordered around; they were obedient workers, and they could be paid *much* less. So, the miserable, debilitating conditions discussed above were endured by children as young as 7 years old!  Even when child labor laws began to gradually address such abuses in England in the 1840's, child labor remained a prominent part of early industrialization in factories in Europe and the United States. Of course, child labor continues to be a reprehensible problem around the world, for example in forced labor conditions or exploitative sweatshops in developing and industrial countries, to the present day.

And the worker's reward for all of this labor was not a product (that belonged to the owner); the return was a very low wage. It is estimated that even as the economy of England grew, the relative wages of workers did not. Even though the industrial revolution was underway in England by the 1780's, the worth and buying power of workers wages did not begin to rise until at least 1815, and then only very slowly.  Wages stagnated or rose only very slowly for decades, and yet prices increased far more quickly and regularly.  There was obviously real wealth being generated in these factories, but it did not begin to trickle down to the workers until almost the end of the 1800's/ beginning of the 1900's.

SOCIAL TENSIONS

Recognize, not all factories were extreme in their exploitation; not all laborers toiled under miserable conditions. Some skilled workers sustained a valued economic position, and some factory owners were more humane than others. Also, for some countries industrializing later, and at a slower pace on the European continent, the ills and wrenching "growing pains" were less pronounced than in England in the early 1800's.  However, even with these qualifications and exceptions, the fact is that the first half of the 19th century was an extremely difficult time for the emerging working class in England, the United States and other early industrial powers. The sacrifices that produced wealth and military power were borne by the suffering lower classes.  Strains caused by rapid urbanization and exploitation in the work place resulted in increased anger and frustration on the part of the working classes.

Governments in England and the United States were very slow to respond to the health conditions in the cities and the exploitation of workers in the workplaces. Changes and problems emerged extremely rapidly, and it took governments decades to respond.  The prevailing political and social attitudes, especially in liberal based societies, emphasized letting the market place work out problems.  There was not strong support in the upper classes for increased governmental power and regulation to solve economic/social dislocation. (see contemporary view of manufacturer)  There were some initial reform efforts for example the Factory Act of 1833 in England forbid use of very young children as labor (no children under 9), however, these kinds of political responses to abusive conditions were slow, limited and piecemeal. And meaningful enforcement of even these limited regulations was virtually non-existent.

WORKERS GROUPS

Since change was not forthcoming from the "top" - i.e. the government and the economic elite, what were the workers doing to push for changes? The fact is those harmed by exploitative conditions were not in a position to effectively pressure the elite. The emerging urban working class, even in the constitutional systems of England and the United States did not have the vote (did not own property) and thus no real political power. The extension of political power to those without property - so to include urban workers - did not take place in these liberal systems until the very end of the 19th century. Thus, direct political mobilization of workers, the ability to exert political pressure to reform conditions, was virtually impossible for much of the 19th century.

Economic pressures were also extremely limited in industrializing societies throughout the 1800's. Unions were illegal for most of the 19th century in all industrial societies. Efforts to organize workers were often met with legal, state-enforced resistance. Union activity was illegal; union involvement meant prison or worse.  Clashes between union advocates and the factory owners (supported by governmental forces) often led to violence and death. Even when unions were legalized, strikes and collective actions usually remained illegal for several more decades. Workers fought, sometimes in bloody clashes, with employers and governments to remove these restrictions. Ultimately, by the end of the 1800's in England (and later in the U.S.), unions ultimately gained more power, but the fact remains that organized labor was simply not an influential force until the very end of the 19th century. The fact that there was a surplus of labor also weakened economic influence. Employers could and would fire disruptive workers; strikers were not just breaking the law, they would be fired. And there were plenty of hungry and desperate laborers waiting for those jobs.

The inability of the working class to effectively organize to exert political or economic pressure to improve conditions led to an increase in frustrated, violent episodes. Riots by workers did little to change things, but did reflect the intensity of anger. For example, beginning in 1812, there were a series of outbursts known collectively as the Luddite movement.  "Luddites" were usually skilled workers, those who previously made a living as craftspeople and artisans such as lacemakers and nail makers.  With their skilled labor replaced by machines, these workers were reduced to unskilled jobs and dramatically reduced social/economic status or even unemployment. The anger at this displacement was vented on the machines and the factories themselves. Luddites smashed and burnt down machines and factories, resulting in destruction, injury and imprisonment.  These violent riots, obviously, did not halt the momentum of the industrial revolution. Violent lashing-out did nothing to improve worker conditions. In fact, the term "Luddite" has entered our vocabulary - used to refer to futile or useless resistance to unstoppable changes.  Luddites did however indicate the undercurrent of passionate anger created by industrial changes.

Increased frustration and impatience led many to support more radical forces of change. Since the economic and political elite displayed only a limited willingness to address urban and factory problems, more of the working class by the middle of the century were willing to support parties and groups pushing for more substantial social/economic change - based on socialist ideas.  Thus, another important consequence of the Industrial Revolution was the rise of socialism in the 19th century.


INTERESTING LINKS

HOW THE OTHER HALF LIVES:  TENEMENTS IN 19TH CENTURY NEW YORK
THE VICTORIAN WEB (lots of really great links)


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